Meon Gaelach: On the Importance of Nationality from the Gaelic classic Saoirse Gan Só

Seán De Fréine's classic Saoirse Gan Só, written in 1960, is more relevant than ever.

De Fréine on the significance of nationhood

For this week’s edition of Meon Gaelach, I have decided to translate an extract from Seán De Fréine’s classic sociological work, Saoirse Gan Só (Freedom Without Respite). While perhaps not as infamous in folklore as previous Meon Gaelach subjects such as Seán South and James Connolly, De Fréine is inarguably an essential thinker in modern Gaelic intellectualism.

Writing in 1960, De Fréine attempts to diagnose and propose solutions to the crisis of emigration, cultural assimilation and native linguistic decline in Ireland. Speaking of the English reiteration of the core ideas of this work, The Great Silence, Diarmaid Ferriter has described the general thesis as ‘a scholarly, provocative and perceptive attempt to explain the decline of an indigenous Irish culture’ and found that it was ‘difficult to refute his assertion that English culture was more pervasive in Ireland than the native one’.

While some may be wondering — why would I translate an extract from Saoirse Gan Só if De Fréine already reiterated his ideas in The Great Silence, I think one need only look at the length of the work — it runs only slightly longer than 100 pages compared to the 200 or so of the Gaelic text. Especially in the chapter I have included here, there are only vague similarities to what De Fréine originally wrote (namely, a morphological allusion included here). The reader should pay close attention to De Fréine’s understanding of the importance of nationality in composing a structured, coherent identity, as he says Is é an náisiún an t-aonad sóisialta is foirfe (The nation is the most perfect social unit of its existence) and warned the public about the risks of a pobail ar thug a sinsear cúl le cine (community whose ancestors turned their backs on race).

Chapter XI

The Skin and its Value

On the contrary, humans have a natural desire for companionship. It is an undeniable fact of history that people do not form continuous cultural and social relationships with each other without having similarities between them or coming out of the relationship. The logical end of that activity is that all the people become one nation. It is logical, because the relationship would not have continued unless both communities were of the same mind about the things they loved. And although no one is perfect in themselves, people are interested in perfection. The nation is the most perfect social unit of its existence and it will grow by any cost in a cohesive, socialised community. If people in general were able to form close relationships without being affected by this bond of nationality, there would be widespread social anarchy.

This would be equivalent to saying that social charity is something that one cannot trust. For there would be many people seeking their own interests and accepting advantages without feeling duty towards their neighbours. Since such a thing does not happen, in spite of the weaknesses of the individual, the moral bond of nationality must be a very strong innate characteristic that people of intimate community tend to impose on themselves.

Even if the opposite could happen, and a nation by way of escape could refrain from the fulfilling the duties necessary for the maintenance of community life, it would be a wretched excuse for a country. All the emphasis would be on self-interest. A man would have the value of self-sacrifice taken from him. This would be an affront to patriotism. It would be to make a prostitute out of Róisín Dubh.

As for the future, nationalism cannot be relied upon. Its influence has now largely waned in Europe, although it is affecting young nations in the rest of the world. However, it seems that the major impact of this is only temporary. It is also clear that a nation cannot be saved without the will and desire to work and sacrifice. But it is naive to think that this will be done without strong spiritual motivation. History is not enough to awaken that motivation, the live culture of the time in which a person is embedded is needed, a culture that has the power of vitality. Sacrifice for the nation of Provence is no longer encouraged. And the longer it is attached to the Holy Roman Empire, the German spirit in the hearts of the youth of Alsace-Lorraine is stirred no more.

For one whose own patriotism is based on prudence, it is not surprising that any patriotism in addition to his own would be extremely helpful, at least to him. It is certain that sensitivity to the Irish language is a natural thing, and a harmless thing as long as it is not the sole issue one stands for. But there is, along with this, the following amount of logic relating to the revival of the Irish language.

As great as our problems and weaknesses are, the basic principles on which life is built in Ireland are among the healthiest in the world. They are worth preserving. By development according to those principles, we would have a chance to overcome the problems and provide a way of life of a reasonable quality to our people in their own country as it should be, without resorting to mass-emigration. In addition, we would have the chance, due to our history and our moral capacity, to exert that influence that Belloc predicted for Christianity on the wider world. But we are like a freshly cut plant that is unable to grow again due to the constant abuse it is subjected to.

The roots are healthy and a boom and a result would come forever if they were given an opportunity and relief from the influence of the English language (like the Irish communities in Argentina and Canada). But there is no trace of the boom or the result. After freedom for a generation and more it was not unreasonable to think that some of the major problems would be resolved soon. It is time for us to stop waiting for unequivocal hope, like Mr. Micawber, tomorrow's improvement, or we shall all be at last, as some of the people already were — with absolute despair waiting for Godot.

Among a community whose ancestors turned their backs on race in order to accept the English language, it is not surprising that there would not be too much respect for the importance of that language. He was among races that did not obey him as they obeyed him. French is making progress in English-speaking areas of Canada. In 1947 when Italian was omitted as the language of the courts in Malta, Maltese was given its prestige. With the help of Britain and the United States, the State of Israel was established. When this new state was created, the administrative system was based on the English language, and it was in the hands of English speakers. The adoption of English as a national language was recalled and rejected. Hebrew and (mostly) Arabic are the official languages ​​of Israel.

CABIDIL XI

An Craiceann is a Luach

Os a choinne sin tá dúil ó nádúr ag an duine i gcuid eachta. Is fíric dhoshéanta staire é nach ndéanann daoine dlúthchaidreamh leanúnach cultúrtha agus sóisialta le chéile gan chosúlachtaí a bheith eatarthu nó a theacht as an chaidreamh. Is é críoch loighiciúil ar an ghníomhaíocht sin go ndéantar aon náisiún de na daoine go léir. Is loighciúil é, mar ni bheadh an caidreamh ar siúl go leanúnach murach go raibh an dá phobal ar aon intinn faoi na rudaí dár thug siad grá. Agus cé nach bhfuil aon duine foirfe ann féin bíonn spéis ag daoine san fhoirfeacht. Is é an náisiún an t-aonad sóisialta is foirfe dá bhfuil ann agus fásann sé ar ais nó ar éigean i measc pobal caidriúil. Dá mbeadh daoine i gcoitinne in ann dlúthchaidreamh a dhéanamh gan ceangal seo na náisiúntachta a dhul i bhfeidhm orthu bheadh an t-anord (anarchy) sóisialta go forleathan.

Ba ionann é agus a rá gur rud i an charthanacht shóisialta nach bhféadfai muinin an bheith ag duine aisti. Oir bheadh mórán daoine ao lorg a leasa féin agus ag glacadh le buntáistí gan dualgas a mhothú ina leith dá gcomharsana. Ós rud é nach dtarlaíonn a leithéid, d'ainneoin laigi an duine aonair, caithfidh gur tréith dhúchasach iontach láidir é an claonadh a bhíonn ar lucht an dlúth chaidrimh ceangal morálta na náisiúntachta a chur orthu féin.

Fiú dá bhféadfaí go dtarlódh a mhalairt, agus go bhféadfaí náisiún a shlánú abhus nach mbeadh ann ach seift le héalú ó dhualgais a chomhlíonadh i leith an chuid eile den phobal ar a raibh muintir na tire ag brath le saol iomlán a fháil, ba shuarach mar náisiún é. Bheadh an bhéim go léir ann ar an fhéinleas. Shéanfadh sé fonn na híobairte. Ba thruailliú ar an tírghrá é. Dhéanfadh sé bean luí de Róisin Dhubh.

Maidir leis an todhchai, ní féidir dul i muinín an náisiúnachais. Tá a thionchar imithe i ndísc go mór san Eoraip anois, cé go bhfuil sé ag dul i bhfeidhm ara náisiúin óga sa chuid eile den domhan. Is cosúil, áfach, nach mbíonn ann ach mórthionchar sealadach. Is follas freisin nach féidir náisiún a shlánú gan toil agus fonn chun oibre agus íobairte. Ach is saonta a cheapadh go ndéanfar sin gan spreagadh láidir spioradálta. Ní leor an stair leis an spreagadh sin a mhúscailt, ní mór cultúr beo na haimsire ina maireann duine, cultúr a bhfuil cumas na cumadóireachta ann.

Ní spreagtar íobairt ar son náisiún Provence a thuilleadh. Agus dá fhaide é a cheangal leis an Naomh-Impireacht Rómhánach ní mhúsclaítear meanma Ghearmánach i gcroíthe óige Alsás-Loiréin níos mó. Maidir leis an té a bhfuil a chuid tírghrá féin bunaithe ar an mhaoithneachas, ní hionadh é go mbeadh aon tírghrá sa bhreis ar a chuid féin thar a bheith maoithnach, dar leis. Is cinnte go mbaineann maoithneachas leis an Ghaeilge rud nádúrtha é sin, agus rud gan dochar fad is nach air sin amháin atá a seasamh. Acha tá. lena chois, an méad seo leanas den loighic ag baint le hathbheochan na Gaeilge.

Dá mhéad ár bhfadhbanna agus ár laigí tá na prionsabail bhunúsacha ar a dtógtar cúrsaí an tsaoil in Éirinn ar na cinn is folláine sa domhan. Is fiú iad a chaomh nú. Ach forbairt de réir na bprionsabal sin, bheadh seans againn na fadhbanna a shárú agus slí beatha ar chaighdeán réasúnta a chur ar fáil dár muintir ina dtir féin mar ba dhual, gan dul i muinín na móreis imirce. Lena chois bheadh seans againn, de bharr ár staire agus ár n-acmhainne morálta, an tionchar sin a thuar Belloc a imirt ar son na Críostaíochta ar an saol mór. Ach is ionann sinn le planda a gearradh go húir nach bhfuil ar a chumas athfhás de dheasca na síorchosarála a dhéantar air.

Tá na fréamhacha folláin agus thiocfadh borradh agus toradh faoi dheoidh dá bhfaighidís faill agus faoiseamh ó thionchar an Bhéarla (faoi mar a bhí ag na pobail Éireannacha san Airgintín agus i gCeanada). Ach níl rian den bhorradh ná den toradh. Tar éis saoirse le glúin agus tuilleadh níor mhíréasúnta a cheapadh go mbeadh cuid éigin de na mórfhadhbanna ar bhealach a réit ithe go luath. Tá sé in am dúinn éirí as bheith ag fanacht le dóchas éideimhin, ar nós Mr. Micawber, le feabhas amárach, nó beimid uile faoi dheireadh, amhail cuid den phobal cheana — le héadóchas deimhin ag fanacht le Godot.

I measc pobail ar thug a sinsear cúl le cine d'fhonn glacadh leis an Bhéarla ní hionadh é go mbeadh ró Nil an meas as bhéim ar thábhacht na teanga sin. cuimse uirthi i measc ciníocha nár ghéill dó faoi mar a géilleadh abhus. Tá an Fhraincis ag dul chun cinn i gceantair Bhéarla i gCeanada. I 1947 nuair a ligeadh an Iodáilis ar lár mar theanga na gcúirteanna i Málta, is don Mháltais a tugadh an gradam a bhí aici. Le cabhair ón Bhreatain agus ó na Stáit Aontaithe an bunaíodh Stát na hIosraeile. Nuair a saolaíodh an stát nua seo ba ar an Bhéarla a bhí an córas riaracháin bunaithe, agus é i lámha Béarlóirí. Cuimhníodh ar ghlacadh leis an Bhéarla mar theanga náisiúnta agus diúltaíodh dó. Is iad an Eabhrais agus (ait go leor) an Araibis teangacha oifigiúla na hlosraeile.