Saoirse don Phalaistín: A brief history of Irish-Palestinian nationalism

"Palestine for the Palestinians and Ireland for the Irish people!"

Let Us Pray for the Anglo-American Neocons

“When we shared the stories of the families that have been killed (in Gaza), he mentioned, ‘I see the genocide.’ This is what wars do. But here we have gone beyond wars. This is not war. This is terrorism.”—His Holiness, the Late Pope Francis, on the genocide in Gaza.

More than 500 days since October 7, 2023, the attempted annihilation of Gaza’s people continues unabated. The likelihood of this "conflict" spilling over—drawing the U.S. into direct intervention in Yemen, Lebanon, and even Iran—grows increasingly inevitable. With the death toll, predominantly children, possibly surpassing 100,000, the Irish government’s tepid rhetoric about compassion rings hollow. Now is the time for Irish voices to rise up and, like the late Pope Francis, uphold a clear and just moral vision—especially given our longstanding ties with Palestine.

Two Partitioned British Statelets

Historically, the British link was the primary thread connecting Irish and Palestinian nationalists in the early 20th century. Beyond shared imperial oppression, direct ties were minimal in the Free State’s early years and during the Palestinian Nakba post-World War II. British meddling forged this connection, repeating the same brutal tactics in both regions. Pro-imperial Anglo elites, like Lord Balfour, backed both partitions:

“Helping Unionists secure the military and financial support that made the new Northern Irish state viable. It was to this same pro-imperialist cohort in the upper echelons of the British establishment that the Zionist movement would appeal to secure British backing for its ambitions in Palestine.” (Cleary, p. 7)

Dispossession, violent suppression of native revolts, and partition defined both struggles, shaping a shared Irish and Arab anti-colonial worldview. The same tactics of repression applied:

“When the RIC disbanded in 1922 after the Irish War of Independence, significant numbers—including Chief of Police General Sir Henry Tudor—transferred to the Palestinian Gendarmerie. In 1922, Tudor reported to Winston Churchill that Palestine was ‘a rest cure after Ireland.’” (Ibid, p. 8)

Though Ireland remained officially neutral in Middle Eastern conflicts for decades, maintaining ties with both Israel and Egypt, solidarity grew throughout the 1950s. As a pro-Western yet independent European state, Ireland earned respect from Arab leaders, particularly Nasser’s Egypt, due to its anti-imperialist image:

“From afar, Ireland had ‘applauded’ the Arab world's ‘struggle for freedom’ from colonial rule, in the words of Liam Cosgrave. Ireland's anti-colonial credentials were equally admired in the region at a time of growing anti-British sentiment.” (Miller, Ireland’s Evolving Relationship, p. 125)

This soft power proved crucial. During the 1956 Suez Crisis, Ireland’s mediation was pivotal—Nasser himself cited Irish resistance as inspiration, calling a book on Britain’s expulsion from Ireland “a textbook of our Egyptian revolution” (Ibid).

Frank Aiken, as Minister for External Affairs, solidified this stance. A former Anti-Treaty IRA Chief of Staff, he fiercely defended Ireland’s independence, even against U.S. pressure during World War II.

The Blossoming of a True Nationalist Alliance

While Aiken’s government initially maintained ambivalence toward Israel, the 1967 Six-Day War marked a turning point. Beyond concerns over Suez Canal instability, Aiken foresaw the catastrophic refugee crisis from Israel’s occupation of the West Bank, Gaza, the Golan Heights, and Sinai:

“Aiken called for the ‘maximum possible repatriation of refugees and full compensation—not merely resettlement.’ Israel flatly rejected this. As Ireland’s Swiss ambassador noted, his Israeli counterpart avoided the topic, preferring to discuss Arab resettlement outside Israel.” (Evans & Kelly, Frank Aiken)

This was Ireland’s multilateral, anti-imperialist strategy in action. Despite being small, partitioned, and poor, Ireland positioned itself as a global voice for peace, diplomacy, and anti-expansionism. From Suez to the Yom Kippur War, Aiken turned the UN into his arena—through UNRWA, UNOGIL, and UNTSO, Ireland championed Palestinian self-determination and civilian protection. By 1969, his legacy was undeniable:

“The New York Times wrote that ‘it is hard to envisage anyone but Frank Aiken heading Ireland’s delegation at the UN.’ Noel Dorr added that Aiken’s UN involvement was ‘unequalled by any other Irish Foreign Minister—or, most probably, by any other foreign minister of recent times.’” (Ibid).

After joining the EEC in 1973, Ireland’s advocacy grew bolder. In 1974, it supported PLO participation in UN debates on Palestine. By 1980, the Bahrain Declaration made Ireland the first EEC state to endorse an independent Palestine—hailed in the Arab world as “Ireland's definitive commitment.”

Ireland also backed nuclear non-proliferation, further distinguishing itself from warmongering Western powers.

This principled stance earned Ireland the ire of neoconservatives. Irish UNIFIL peacekeepers have repeatedly faced attacks—like the 1980 At-Tiri massacre by the Israeli-backed South Lebanon Army. To those who say we should be ambivalent, that we have no reason to oppose Zionism, they should remember the names of Private Thomas Barrett (from Cork), and Private Derek Smallhorne (from Dublin). These two men were kidnapped, tortured and murdered by a Zionist army, for a Zionist cause. Zionism hates Ireland.

There is something uniquely venomous in their hatred for Ireland. As detailed in my previous writing, neocons view the Irish as a race “deserving annihilation”—mirroring their rhetoric on Palestinians.

This animosity traces back to Cromwell’s invasion, which—like Palestine’s partition—was framed as divine retribution. Puritan radicals, from the Fifth Monarchy Men to mainstream millenarians, saw Catholic Ireland as an obstacle to the “New Israel.” Their vision demanded Ireland’s cultural and spiritual eradication, fuelled by Protestant mysticism and other forms of esotericism.

Palestine as the Ultimate Test of Resistance

“Noi non possiamo favorire questo movimento. Non potremo impedire gli Ebrei di andare a Gerusalemme—ma favorire non possiamo mai. La terra di Gerusalemme se non era sempre santa, è santificata per la vita di Jesu Christo. Io come capo della chiesa non posso dirle altra cosa. Gli Ebrei non hanno riconosciuto nostro Signore, perciò non possiamo riconoscere il popolo ebreo”—Pope Pius X on movements in the Holy Land.

This history underscores the deeper, spiritual war uniting Irish and Palestinian struggles. The Anglosphere was built on Ireland’s destruction; today’s Likud-led Middle East is built on Palestinian displacement. To oppose one is to oppose the other.

As Britain occupies the North and its proxy state massacres Palestinians, silence is complicity. This is a cosmic battle—between the forces of Christ and those of the Pharisees. To ignore genocide, ethnic cleansing, and imperialist globalism is cowardice. If we stay silent as Yemen, Lebanon, and Iran face annihilation for the “New Israel,” we cannot protest when those forces turn on Europe.

As Irishmen and women, as Catholics and Republicans, we must pray for peace, justice, and the right of all peoples to their ancestral homelands. This is a cosmic struggle for a higher order of civilisation, of Catholic justice and superior cultural soul. The barren world of the Anglo-American world order knows nothing of the Cáin Adomnáin of 697. The Gael stands for Christ and the sacred heart, of the protection of innocents refinement of European morality.

In short, we must never forget the words of a great ambassador: Palestine belongs to the Palestinians, just as Ireland belongs to the Irish.